From the Radio Free Michigan archives

ftp://141.209.3.26/pub/patriot

If you have any other files you'd like to contribute, e-mail them to
bj496@Cleveland.Freenet.Edu.
------------------------------------------------

``I am quite indifferent to the mass of human creatures; though 
I wish, as a purely intellectual problem, to discover some way 
in which they might all be happy. I would not sacrifice myself 
to them, though their unhappiness, at moments, about once in 
three months, gives me a feeling of discomfort, and an intellectual 
desire to find a way out....

``I live mostly for myself--everything has for me, a reference 
to my own education. I care for very few people, and have several 
enemies--two or three at least whose pain is delightful to me. 
I often wish to give pain, and when I do, I find it pleasant 
for a moment. I feel myself superior to most people, and only 
pity myself at rare intervals, when I am tired out. I used to 
pity myself at all times and deeply. I believe in happiness 
and I am happy. I enjoy work immensely. I wish for fame among 
the expert few, but my chief desire--the desire by which I regulate 
my life--is a purely self-centered desire for intellectual satisfaction 
about things that puzzle me....

``...Logically I can find no meaning for the word Sin....''

Carol White, a member of the National Executive Committee of 
the National Caucus of Labor Committees, addressed the Schiller 
Institute's Labor Day 1994 conference on Sept. 4. The text of 
her speech follows.}

This [the quotes in the box at the bottom of this page] was 
written by Bertrand Russell at the age of 25. He wrote it at 
the request of his homosexual brother-in-law who edited a magazine 
called {The Golden Urn.}

Even then, Bertrand Russell was a very, very evil man. He was 
so evil that first euphoria of VE day and VJ day had barely 
subsided before Russell began calling for the launch of a preemptive 
nuclear strike against the Soviet Union. This madman was willing 
to launch World War III in 1945.

Billions more men, women, and children would be killed in such 
a war, but this was not a problem for the Russell who would 
write six years later, in 1951, ``At present, the population 
of the world is increasing at about 58,000 per diem. War, so 
far, has had no very great effect on this increase, which continued 
throughout each of the world wars.... War has hitherto been 
disappointing in this respect.''

Of course, Russell proved to be ahead of his time. Only after 
the assassination of President Kennedy and the ugly war in Vietnam, 
would his views begin to appear credible. In 1945, anyone who 
advocated a conference such as the [United Nations'] Cairo conference 
would have immediately been recognized as a Nazi.

In the next hour, we will allow Russell and a number of his 
collaborators to reveal their secret agenda: How they plotted 
to build the ultimate terror weapon--an atom bomb--so that {they} 
could use it to control the world.

The Atom Bomb

On Aug. 6, 1945, the United States dropped an atomic bomb, a 
uranium device, on the city of Hiroshima. The devastation from 
this attack was so great that, at first, the government in Tokyo 
could not even find out what had happened, because there was 
no communication left with the region. A second nuclear attack 
was planned for Aug. 10, but the timing was moved up one day, 
lest the Japanese surrender before this plutonium bomb could 
be tested. And so, just three days later, on Aug. 9, the oldest 
Christian city in Japan, Nagasaki, was bombed.

Desperately, the Japanese were trying were trying to contact 
the American government in order to surrender. Finally, the 
war ended one day later.

The Japanese people suffered horrendously during the war, and 
particularly at the end.  But in a very definite sense, the 
American people have also been victimized. For 50 years, the 
threat of nuclear warfare has been used as a battering ram, 
to destroy the whole of the moral fabric of our society. This 
is what the twisted Bertrand Russell and his friends planned 
and they have almost succeeded.

The life of everyone of us in this room has been shaped by Bertrand 
Russell, and his ugly associates. Are you a scientist? Don't 
you know that science is destroying the biosphere?  You're a 
clergyman? How dare you preach that man is superior to animals? 
You told your children not to have sexual relations? This is 
a clear case of child abuse.

For 50 years, Bertrand Russell and his friends have been trying 
to brainwash us into accepting their degraded notion of the 
inherent bestiality of man, and now it is taught in almost every 
classroom.

In his 1951 book, {The Impact of Science on Society,} Bertrand 
Russell explained his plan for the new society.  Let's listen 
to him again:

``Life is a brief, small and transitory phenomenon in an obscure 
corner, not at all the sort of thing that one would make a fuss 
about if one were not personally concerned....

``The danger of a world shortage of food may be averted for 
a time by improvements in the technique of agriculture. But, 
if population continues to increase at the present rate, such 
improvements cannot long suffice.... Such a situation can hardly 
fail to lead to world war....''

Call for Preemptive Strike

World War II in fact had hardly ended before that self-styled 
pacifist, that man of peace, Bertrand Russell was urging the 
preemptive nuclear bombing of the Soviet Union. In 1959, he 
discussed the apparent contradiction in a BBC interview.

{BBC commentator}: Lord Russell, is it true or untrue that in 
recent years you advocated that a preventative war might be 
made against communism, against Soviet Union.

{Russell}: It's entirely true, and I don't repent of it now. 
It was not inconsistent with what I think now.... At that time 
nuclear weapons existed only on one side, and therefore the 
odds were the Russians would have given way. I thought they 
would....

{BBC commentator}: Suppose they hadn't given way?

{Russell}: I thought and hoped that the Russians would give 
way, but of course you can't threaten unless you're prepared 
to have your bluff called.

At that time, Russell wanted to enforce the kind of United Nations' 
policing powers over the Soviet Union which are in force against 
Iraq today, the same kind of International Atomic Energy Agency 
(IAEA) controls which have almost brought us to war with North 
Korea over the ridiculous claim that they were stock-piling 
bomb grade plutonium.

Russell understood that in order to achieve his plan for creating 
a new imperial government, an empire more powerful than the 
Venetian empire, or the Roman empire, or the British empire, 
then it would be necessary to brainwash whole populations. The 
mass media would be useful, the spread of drugs would help, 
enouraging the spread of pornography and promiscuity. All of 
these were useful tools, but the most important job would be 
to control the minds of the youth.

Let's listen to more of what he had to say about this:

``I think the subject that will be of most importance is mass 
psychology.... This subject will make great strides when it 
is taken up by scientists under a scientific dictatorship.... 
The social psychologists of the future will have a number of 
classes of school children on whom they will try different methods 
of producing an unshakeable conviction that snow is black. Various 
results will soon be arrived at. First, that the influence of 
home is obstructive.  Second, that not much can be done unless 
indoctrination begins before the age of ten. Third, that verses 
set to music and repeatedly intoned are very effective.''

The bomb would be the weapon which would be used to terrorize 
the people of the world into submission.

Let's tune back in on Bertie:  ``The atom bomb, and still more 
the

hydrogen bomb, have caused new fears, involving new doubts as 
to the effects of science on human life.... If, however, the 
human race decides to let itself go on living it will have to 
make very drastic changes in its way of thinking, feeling and 
behaving. We must learn not to say, `Never! Better death than 
dishonor.' We must learn to submit to law, even when imposed 
by aliens whom we hate and despise, and whom we believe to be 
blind to all considerations of righteousness.''

Why Did We Drop the Bomb?

By January of 1945, World War II was coming to an end. Victory 
for the allies was a foregone conclusion, even though many lives 
would still be lost.  It was even money whether the Japanese 
or the Germans would be the first to surrender. Japanese representatives 
had urgently asked the Pope to intercede with the President 
Roosevelt to open negotiations for ending the war, and they 
had made a similar request to Joe Stalin. Pope Pius XII agreed, 
and a meeting between him and Roosevelt was planned in which 
this would be one item on the agenda. It never occurred because 
in April Roosevelt died and Harry Truman took office.

{Everywoman}: {Are you saying that we didn't have to drop the 
bomb to end the war? I always heard that by dropping the bomb 
and forcing the Japanese military to surrender, millions of 
lives were saved.}

Many people believe this, but it simply is not true. By the 
summer of 1945, bombing raids on Japan had to be stopped, because 
most of the major cities of Japan had already been destroyed 
by firestorms. The Japanese no longer had the fuel to defend 
their cities from air attack.

But listen to what Edwin Reischauer had to say on the bombing 
in his 1986 autobiography. Reischauer, who later was Kennedy's 
ambassador to Japan, during the Second World War was a colonel 
in the Special Branch--the unit which processed all of the intercepts 
from Japanese military and diplomatic sources during the war. 
He was horrified when he first heard about the atom bomb. It 
was on Aug. 6, because he and his staff had to be on the look-out 
for Japanese responses to the bombing. Let's listen to Reischauer 
who was on the spot, so to speak:

``On the morning of Aug. 6, I was called into the central office 
of Special Branch together with about five other officers, and 
told about the dropping of the bomb on Hiroshima. It was necessary 
that we know so we could be on watch for the reaction of the 
Japanese. We were even given a list of the other potential target 
cities, which to my horror included Kyoto, though it was fortunately 
near the bottom. The United States had made a special effort 
to avoid the destruction of cultural monuments, but Kyoto was 
the largest of the few cities not yet burned out by fire-bomb 
raids and was a key railway crossroads.

``All of us at Special Branch were stunned and dismayed at the 
news.  Through the military and diplomatic messages, we knew 
how near to defeat Japan already was and how eager some elements 
in the government were to bring an end to the fighting. We were 
aware that the economy was grinding to a halt because the merchant 
marine had been virtually eliminated by early 1945, and we knew 
of the many discussions and diplomatic efforts aimed at terminating 
hostilities then going on. We looked dazedly at one another, 
and someone muttered something about hitting below the belt 
when the opponent was already on the ropes. I felt that I would 
burst with the awful secret bottled up inside me. It was therefore 
a great relief when President Truman made a public announcement 
about the bomb a few hours later.

``At the time, I believed dropping of the atom bomb was a terrible 
mistake. My own estimate was that Japan would surrender some 
time before November. The Japanese would figure that we would 
not wish to attempt an invasion during the typhoon season and 
thus court a repetition of the {kamikaze} that had destroyed 
the Mongol invaders of 1281. Following this reasoning, I thought 
they would count on almost three more months in which to bring 
the war to an end, and I felt certain they would do so during 
that time. However, the results of historical research since 
then have made me much less certain about this conclusion. The 
various alternative proposals for demonstrating the capacities 
of the bomb without using it on a populated target would probably 
have been ineffective. Even with two atom bombs dropped on Hiroshima 
and Nagaskai and the invasion of Manchuria by the Soviet union, 
which was launched between the two bombings, it was touch and 
go whether the Japanese military would permit the civilian government 
to surrender.....

``If there were some possible justification for the first atomic 
bomb, however, there was none for the second, dropped on Nagasaki 
on Aug.

9.	The top American authorities did agonize over the decision 
to use the first bomb but seem to have given the second little, 
if any, thought, snuffing out some seventy thousand lives almost 
inadvertently.''

No Justification

Was there any justification for dropping the bomb? Did it save 
a million lives? As you heard Reischauer admit, no invasion 
was planned before November. Furthermore, what he does not write, 
the harbors of Japan had all been mined, and then the mines 
were taken away to allow a future invasion to proceed. With 
the harbors impassible even without the carpet bombing, the 
Japanese could not have resisted for long, because they had 
to import food and gasoline, not to speak of other essential 
goods.

The bombing of Hiroshima resulted in the immediate deaths of 
140,000 people.  Within five years, 200,000 had died as a result 
of after-effects of the bombing.  This was 54 percent of the 
population of the city. The bombing of Nagasaki killed 70,000 
on the spot, and 140,000 within five years. Again, this was 
more than half the people who had been living in the city. The 
fire-bombing of Tokyo had also caused terrible devastation--100,000 
died--but in that city of a million people, the death toll was 
only 10 percent of those who had been alive.

{Everywoman:} {If that's true, why did they decide to drop the 
bomb? Is it true what the lefties claim? Did Harry Truman OK 
using the bomb against the Japanese to send a signal to the 
Soviets? If that is so, why did they build the bomb in the first 
place?}

In the final analysis, it was Harry Truman's call on whether 
or not to drop the bomb. But Averell Harriman was whispering 
in his ear that the Soviets were getting out of line, and Secretary 
of War Henry Stimson was urging Truman to use the bomb to rein 
in Joe Stalin.

Harry Truman was way over his head. He had to end the war and 
set the stage for the post-war peace, and he didn't have a clue 
what to do. The man from Missouri was on his way to Potsdam 
to meet with Stalin and Churchill and didn't have a clue what 
to do. So they put a bomb in his pocket. That little man, with 
the bomb, could face down the big guys. But let's hear what 
the plans were of the men who put the bomb in his pocket--so 
to speak.

World Government

Let's listen to Russell's words in 1946, which appeared in the 
fifth issue of {The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists}:

``It is entirely clear that there is only one way in which great 
wars can be permanently prevented, and that is the establishment 
of an international government with a monopoly of serious armed 
force. When I speak of an international government, I mean one 
that really governs, not an amiable facade like the League of 
Nations, or a pretentious sham like the United Nations under 
its present constitution.''

{Everywoman}: {What has this to do with the bomb?}

Here is what Russell has to say:

`An international government, if it is to be able to preserve 
peace, must have the only atomic bombs, the only plant for producing 
them, the only air force, the only battleships, and generally 
whatever is necessary to make it irresistible. Its atomic staff, 
its air squadrons, the crews of its battleships, and, generally, 
whatever is necessary to make it irresistable.  Its atomic staff, 
its air squadrons, the crews of its battleships, and its infantry 
regiments must each severally be composed of men of many different 
nations; there must be no possibility of the development of 
national feeling in any unit larger than a company.  Every member 
of the international armed force should be carefully trained 
in loyalty to the international government.

``The international authority must have a monopoly of uranium, 
and of whatever other raw material may hereafter be found suitable 
for the manufacture of atomic bombs. It must have a large army 
of inspectors who must have the right to enter any factory without 
notice; any attempt to interfere with them or to obstruct their 
work must be treated as a {casus belli} They must be provided 
with aeroplanes enabling them to discover whether secret plants 
are being established in empty regions near either Pole or in 
the middle of large deserts.

``The monopoly of armed force is the most necessary attribute 
of the international government, but it will, of course, have 
to exercise various governmental functions. It will have to 
decide all disputes between different nations, and will have 
to possess the right to revise treaties. It will have to be 
bound by its constitution to intervene by force of arms against 
any nation that refuses to submit to the arbitration. Given 
its monopoly of armed force, such intervention will be seldom 
necessary and quickly successful. I will not stay to consider 
what further powers the international government might profitably 
possess, since those that I have mentioned would suffice to 
prevent serious wars.''

{Everywoman}: {OK, that is what Russell planned, but what about 
President Roosevelt? What about the Manhattan Project? I thought 
that in 1939, Albert Einstein warned Roosevelt that the Germans 
were about to build an atomic bomb and that's why we had such 
a crash effort. What about the Manhattan Project?}

Yes, many of the scientists who worked on the Manhattan Project 
were afraid that the Germans would build an atomic bomb, but 
not Bertrand Russell, or scientific policy advisers like Neils 
Bohr, or even President Roosevelt himself. In the early days 
of the war, British and American intelligence established that 
the Germans could not build an atomic bomb, and were not even 
seriously trying to.

This was so for many reasons. For one thing, too many top German 
physicists had been forced to emigrate to escape the Nazi terror, 
or because they opposed the regime. Werner Heisenberg, who was 
the chief scientist of the German program, made it very clear 
to friends, who were working with the allies, and through underground 
channels, that they would not produce a bomb for Hitler. More 
to the point, Hitler did not see the need for a major investment 
like the Manhattan Project because he had to win the war quickly--before 
the United States military machine came up to full strength. 
By the time that Hitler knew it would be a long war, Germany 
could no longer afford that scale of investment.

Ostensibly, the bomb was being built to counterbalance a potential 
Nazi threat, so that if Hitler did get the bomb he would still 
be afraid to use it. But this does not explain the fact that 
$500 million dollars was allocated to the Manhattan Project 
after VE day, after Germany was defeated. This was one-fourth 
of the entire cost of the project. It does not explain why the 
bombs were used against Japan.

Russell vs. Science

In 1939, a grouping in the top reaches of the British policy-making 
establishment convinced Winston Churchill that now was the time 
to go with nuclear power. The Americans would have to be brought 
in on the act, because of the enormous cost of the project, 
but they could be controlled in the long run. The idea of using 
nuclear energy to build a bomb was not a new idea for the British 
by any means.

Russell wrote about it as early as 1924. In 1924, he wrote about 
his plans for world domination in the book {Icarus, or The Future 
of Science.} He described how the bomb could be used as a tool 
to bring about world government. Even that early, he understood 
that the days of the British empire were numbered. If the empire 
were to survive, it would have to be recreated in a different 
form, as a world government, not a British government. His title 
refers to the legend of Icarus, the scientist who built himself 
a pair of wax wings but flew too close to the Sun. Russell believed 
that the Icaruses of this world must learn that they cannot 
fly--they cannot conquer space. Man must stick in the dirt or 
be destroyed.

Let's listen to this Greenie, Bertrand Russell explain his plans 
for world government:

``I fear that the same fate [that of Icarus] may overtake the 
populations whom modern men of science have taught to fly. Some 
of the dangers inherent in the progress of science while we 
retain our present political and economic institutions are set 
forth in the following pages....

``One general observation to begin with. Science has increased 
man's control over nature, and might therefore be supposed likely 
to increase his happiness and well-being.  This would be the 
case if men were rational, but in fact they are bundles of passions 
and instincts.....

``There is, however, a hopeful element in the problem. The planet 
is of finite size.... Before very long, the technical conditions 
will exist for organizing the whole world as one producing and 
consuming unit. If, when that time comes, two rival groups contend 
for mastery, the victor may be able to introduce that single 
world-wide organization that is needed.... There would be at 
first economic and political tyranny of the victors, a dread 
of renewed upheaval and therefore a drastic suppression of liberty. 
But if the first half-dozen revolts were successfully repressed, 
the vanquished would give up hope, and accept the subordinate 
place assigned to them by the victors in the great world-trust.''

The threat of nuclear war was to be the means by which Bertrand 
Russell intended to create his one-world empire.

Harvard president, James B.
Conant, was the man who--along with Henry Stimson and Vannevar 
Bush--was responsible for political supervision of the Manhattan 
Project. He was a friend of Bertrand Russell. In December of 
1940, Russell was scheduled to make a lecture tour of the United 
States--he wanted to escape from Britain which was then at war. 
Many American colleges, such as New York's City College, refused 
to allow him to speak because he was a champion of free love. 
Dirty Bertie was so unprincipled that he would force his teenaged 
step-daughter watch him have sexual intercourse with her governess.  
Not suprisingly, the young girl had a nervous breakdown.

Anyway, one of his few defenders at that time, in the United 
States, was his friend James Conant, who invited Russell to 
give the prestigious annual William James lectures at Harvard. 
It was he, Stimson, and Bush who were most responsible for urging 
President Truman to use the bomb against the Japanese.  After 
the war was over, as time went on, many people came to question 
that act.

In answer to criticism by churchmen, Conant wrote in {The New 
York Times}, on March 6, 1946:

``If the American people are to be deeply penitent for the use 
of the atomic bomb, why should they not be equally penitent 
for the destruction of Tokyo in the thousand-plane raid using 
the M-69 incendiary which occurred a few months earlier? (I 
may say that I was as deeply involved with one method of destruction 
as the other, so at least on these two points I can look at 
the matter impartially.) If we are to be penitent for this destruction 
of Japaneses cities by incendiaries and high explosives, we 
should have to carry over this point of view to the whole method 
of warfare used against the axis powers.''

Conant had not changed his mind by 1968 when he answered a letter 
from a Mrs. Popper, in the same vein:

``You speak of the conflict in the minds of those who were working 
on the bomb before Hiroshima.... Probably because of my connection 
with the use of gas in World War I and my close connection with 
the sections of the NDRC which were developing napalm incendiary 
bombs so devestatingly effective against Tokyo, the conflict 
of which you speak hardly existed in my mind.''

Fire-bombing was a technique developed by the British, on the 
basis of their observation of the damage done by incendiary 
markers used by the Germans to illuminate bombing targets in 
Britain. It was directed against the civilian populations of 
Hamburg and Dresden, in the last months of the war.  It was 
used to destroy 48 of Japan's largest cities. People caught 
in a firestorm would die, because the oxygen they needed to 
breathe had been sucked up in an artificially created tornado.  
Of course, they were also burned alive.

Nuclear Terror

The use of such terror tactics against women and children was 
resisted by the U.S. military command but ultimately it became 
the accepted practice of both the British and the U.S. Air Force. 
Still, the potentialities of atomic weapons were far more devastating.

The British had practiced the terror bombing of civilian populations 
on their rebellious colonies since the 1920s. Iraq was one of 
their targets then. This worried Franklin Roosevelt, and he 
issued a statement on Sept. 1, 1939, at the start of World War 
II, urging all of the belligerents to sign on to a pact to outlaw 
the bombing of civilians. In the end, of course, even Roosevelt 
signed on to the idea of what came to be called carpet bombing, 
but the sentiments he expressed in 1939 were sentiments endorsed 
by every decent American.

Roosevelt wrote in 1939:  ``The ruthless bombing from

the air of civilians in unfortified centers of population during 
the course of the hostilities which have raged in various quarters 
of the earth during the past few years, which has resulted in 
the maiming and in the death of thousands of defenseless men, 
women and children, has sickened the hearts of every civilized 
man and woman, and has profoundly shocked the conscience of 
humanity.

``If resort is had to this form of inhuman barbarism during 
the period of the tragic conflagration with which the world 
is now confronted, hundreds of thousands of innocent human beings 
who have no responsibility for, and who are not even remotely 
participating in, the hostilities which have now broken out, 
will lose their lives. I am therefore addressing this urgent 
appeal to every government which may be engaged in hostilities 
publicly to affirm its determination that its armed forces shall 
in no event, and under no circumstances, undertake the bombardment 
from the air of civilian populations or of unfortified cities, 
upon the understanding that these same rules of warfare will 
be scrupulously observed by all of their opponents. I request 
an immediate reply.''

President Clinton studied under Carroll Quigley at Georgetown 
University. Perhaps he was influenced by Quigley's view of the 
bomb. Quigley wrote in his book, {Tragedy and Hope}:

``The decision to use the bomb against Japan marks one of the 
critical turning points in the history of our times. We cannot 
now say that the world would have been better, but we can surely 
say that it would have been different. We can also say, with 
complete assurance, that no one involved in the decision had 
a complete or adequate picture of the situation.  the scientists 
who were consulted had no information on the status of the war 
itself, had no idea how close to the end Japan already was, 
and had no experience to make judgments on this matter. The 
politicians and military men had no real conception of the nature 
of the new weapon or of the drastic revolution it offered to 
human life. To them it was simply a `bigger bomb,' even a `much 
bigger bomb,' and, by that fact alone, they welcomed it.''

The cost of the Manhattan Project was $2 billion. We can multiply 
that by at least ten times to estimate what it would have cost 
in today's dollars.

Quigley continued:  ``Majority Leader John W. McCormack

joked to friends, that if the bomb had not worked he expected 
to face penal charges. Some Republicans, notably Congressman 
Albert J. Engel of Michigan, had already shown signs of a desire 
to use congressional investigations and newspaper publicity 
to raise questions about misuse of public funds. During one 
War Department discussion of this problem, a skilled engineer, 
Jack Madigan, said: `If the project succeeds there won't be 
any investigation. If it doesn't they won't investigate anything 
else.'|''

Secretary of War Stimson lied to President Truman that Japan 
had always been planned as the target for the bomb. In an article 
in {The Atlantic Monthly} written to justify the decision to 
the American people, Stimson lied again, saying that Roosevelt 
had approved of using nuclear weapons against Japan. The truth 
is that Roosevelt had left the decision on whether or not to 
use the bomb under any circumstances open. It is very unlikely 
that he would have approved using it on Japan.

In 1943, General MacArthur was pressing for reinforcements for 
the Pacific war against Japan. Roosevelt was very clear that 
the priority deployment had to be to defeat Hitler. At that 
time, he believed that once Germany was defeated then both the 
war in the European theater and the war in the Pacific would 
be quickly wrapped up.

Francis Perkins quoted him saying:  ``It is of the utmost importance

that we appreciate that defeat of Japan does not defeat Germany 
and that American concentration against Japan this year of in 
1943 increases the chance of complete German domination of Europe 
and Africa.... Defeat of Germany means the defeat of Japan, 
probably without firing a shot or losing a life.''

The Bomb and the Soviets

{Everywoman}: {But didn't we need the bomb in order to control 
the Soviets? If Stalin got the bomb before us, then he could 
have ruled the world.}

But would the Soviets have developed the bomb if we had not 
done so? Carroll Quigley though not, because the Russians did 
not favor strategic bombing, and without knowing that the bomb 
worked, without the demonstration of its power for all of the 
world to witness, the Soviets would have thought long and hard 
before making the scale of investment which would have been 
needed to develop a bomb from scratch.

Henry Stimson was a longtime associate of Prescott Bush and 
the Harriman family; he was an admirer of Theodore Roosevelt. 
He differed from Russell and the British only in a matter of 
emphasis. If there were to be a new world government--a perspective 
with which he did not at all disagree--then the United States 
could not be a junior partner in the Anglo-American alliance. 
By February of 1945, President Roosevelt was already mortally 
ill. This gave evil Henry Stimson a much freer hand.  Even so, 
he was living in the America of the 1940s. The American people 
then had not been brainwashed over a 50-year period. He feared 
the reaction of the American people when they realized the truth 
about the policy of sanctioning strategic bombing. This was 
a problem which, 50 years later, his protege George Bush did 
not face.

Stimson discussed the question of strategic bombing with Truman 
on May 16, 1945. Here is what he wrote in his diary on that 
day:

``I am anxious to hold our Air Force, so far as possible, to 
the `precision' bombing which it has done so well in Europe. 
I am told that it is possible and adequate. The reputation of 
the United States for fair play and humanitarianism is the world's 
biggest asset for peace in the coming decades. I believe the 
same rule of sparing the civilian population should be applied, 
as far as possible, to the use of any new weapons.''

On June 1, he wrote another entry in his diary. He had met Truman 
again and this time they specifically discussed using atom bombs 
against Japan:

``I told him how I was trying to hold the Air Force down to 
precision bombing but that with the Japanese method of scattering 
its manufacture it was rather difficult to prevent area bombing. 
I told him I was anxious about this feature of the war for two 
reasons. First, because I did not want to have the United States 
get the reputation for outdoing Hitler in atrocities; and second, 
I was a little fearful that before we could get ready, the Air 
Force might have Japan so thoroughly bombed out that the new 
weapon would not have a fair background to show its strength. 
He said he understood.''

Harry Truman did not know much about the conduct of the war 
before President Roosevelt's death. He was a little man stepping 
into a big job and he was way over his head. Still, what can 
we think of the following remarks by Truman, written in diary 
in July of 1945?

``We have discovered the most terrible bomb in the history of 
the world. It may be the fire destruction prophesized in the 
Euphrates Valley Era, after Noah and his fabulous Ark.

``Anyway we `think' we have found a way to cause a disintegration 
of the atom. An experiment in the New Mexican desert was startling--to 
put it mildly....

``This weapon is to be used against Japan between now and Aug. 
10. I have told the Sec. of War, Mr. Stimson, to use it so that 
military objectives and soliders and sailors are the target 
and not women and children. Even if the Japs are savages, ruthless, 
merciless and fanatic, we as the leader of the world for the 
common welfare cannot drop this terrible bomb on the old Capital 
or the new.

``He & I are in accord. The target will be a purely military 
one and we will issue a warning statement asking the Japs to 
surrender and save lives.  I'm sure they will not do that, but 
we will have given them the chance. It is certainly a good thing 
for the world that Hitler's crowd or Stalin's did not discover 
this atomic bomb. It seems to be the most terrible thing ever 
discovered, but it can be made the most useful.''

Could Truman have really believed that women and children would 
not be harmed by the bomb? Well, we can each have our own opinion 
on this, but it is interesting the extent to which he felt it 
necessary to verbalize what was the view of most Americans of 
that day.  They believed that they were fighting a war to defend 
the rights of man.

On May 27, 1941, President Roosevelt gave a radio address to 
the nation in which he announced the Proclamation of an Unlimited 
National Emergency. Many Americans hoped that the United States 
could still somehow stay out of the war, but the sentiments 
expressed by Roosevelt were widely held. Let's listen to President 
Roosevelt's Emergency Proclamation:

``We will not accept a Hitler-dominated world. And we will not 
accept a world, like the postwar world of the 1920s, in which 
the seeds of Hitlerism can again be planted and allowed to grow. 
We will accept only a world consecrated to freedom of speech 
and expression--freedom of every person to worship God in his 
own way--freedom from want--and freedom from terror.''

Harry Truman, on the other hand, had other ideas. In the spring 
of 1941, Hitler attacked the Soviet Union.  Senator Truman rated 
the two dictatorships as being morally equivalent, and recommended 
that America encourage them to fight to the death:

``If we see that Germany is winning, we ought to help Russia, 
and if Russia is winning we ought to help Germany and that way 
let them kill as many as possible, although I don't want to 
see Hitler victorious under any circumstances. Neither of them 
think anything of their pledged word.''

Roosevelt's Anti-Colonialism

The four freedoms--this is what most Americans believed the 
war to be about. They were fighting for freedom, not to save 
the British Empire.  Roosevelt took his son with him to Casablanca, 
to the Big Four summit conference which was held there in 1943. 
One day when they were alone together, he confided his plans 
to his son:

``When we've won the war, I will work with all my might and 
main to see to it that the United States is not wheedled into 
the position of accepting any plan that will further France's 
imperialistic ambitions, or that will aid or abet the British 
Empire in {its} imperial ambitions.''

At a private dinner shortly after the attack on Pearl Harbor, 
Roosevelt told his dinner guests that Churchill had to be made 
to understand the way American people felt about Britain:

``Our popular idea of that role may not be entirely objective--may 
not be one hundred per cent true from the British point of view, 
there it is, and I've been trying to tell him that he ought 
to consider it. It's in the American tradition, this distrust, 
this dislike and even hatred of Britain.''

At the start of the war, Roosevelt and Churchill jointly issued 
the Atlantic Charter. He and Churchill had very different ideas 
about it. Here is what Roosevelt had to say:

``I am firmly of the belief that if we are to arrive at a stable 
peace it must involve the development of backward countries.... 
I can't believe that we can fight a war against fascist slavery, 
and at the same time not work to free all people over the world 
from a backward colonial policy.''

Not surprisingly, this was not to the liking of the British 
war cabinet, which rejected Roosevelt's interpetation, and asserted 
that the Atlantic Charter could have no reference to the internal 
affairs of the British empire.

There are many such quotations from Roosevelt's public and private 
remarks. For example, his adivser Charles Taussig recorded in 
his diary that the President said he was concerned about the 
brown people in the East. He said that there are 1,100,000,000 
brown people. In many eastern countries, they are ruled by a 
handful of whites and they resent it.  Our goal must be to help 
them achieve independence--1,100,000,000 potential enemies are 
dangerous.

To provide a decent life for these billion people and the billions 
who would come after them, nuclear energy would not only be 
a blessing but a necessity.

Nuclear Energy

Can we then say that at least the bomb opened up the possibility 
of the use of Atoms for Peace, to paraphrase President Eisenhower? 
The answer is no.

The discovery that energy trapped within the nucleus of atoms 
could be released was known for decades before the bomb was 
built. Pierre and Marie Curie, Ernest Rutherford, William Harkin, 
Enrico Fermi, Ida Noddack, Otto Hahn and Lise Meitner--scientists 
in every nation worked on this project.  Their work spanned 
the century. A crash effort to develop the technological capability 
to release the energy of the atomic nucleus could have been 
launched at any time, but this was not to happen because men 
like Bertrand Russell did not want such a resource to become 
available. Were the nations of the world to have such a virtually 
limitless energy resource, his project for world government 
would be doomed.

Indeed, Pierre Curie was literally driven to his death, if not 
actually murdered, by a science mafia run by Lord Kelvin. Kelvin 
would not tolerate Curie's proof that atoms were not the hard 
balls which Neutron described. He tried to destroy the career 
of Ernest Rutherford and his collaborator, Frederick Soddy. 
In 1908, Soddy wrote a book about the new atomic science which 
was reprinted time and time again. It was based on a series 
of lectures which he gave to working people to describe the 
new science.  Here are some of the things which he had to say 
about nuclear energy 35 years before the bomb was built and 
30 years before the possibility of fissioning the nucleus was 
definitely established:

``Let us consider in the light of present knowledge the problem 
of transmutation and see what the attempt of the alchemist involved. 
To build up an ounce of a heavy element like gold from a lighter 
element like silver would require in all probablility the expenditure 
of the energy of some hundreds of tons of coal, so that the 
ounce of gold would be dearly bought. On the other hand, if 
it were possible artificially to disintegrate an element with 
a heavier atom than gold and produce gold from it, so great 
an amount of energy would probably be evolved that the gold 
in comparison would be of little account.  The energy would 
be far more valuable than the gold....

``We stand today where primitive man first stood with regard 
to the energy liberated by fire. We are aware of its existence 
solely from the naturally occurring manifestations in radioactivity.... 
When we have learned to transmute the elements at will the one 
into the other, then, and not till then, will the key to this 
hidden treasure-house of Nature be in our hands....

``The real wealth of the world is its energy, and by these discoveries 
it, for the first time, transpires that the hard struggle for 
existence on the bare leavings of natural energy in which the 
race has evolved is no longer the only possible or enduring 
lot of Man. It is a legitimate aspiration to believe that one 
day he will attain the power to regulate for his own purposes 
the primary fountains of energy which Nature now so jealously 
conserves for the future. The fulfilment of this aspiration 
is, no doubt, far off, but the possibility alters somewhat the 
relation of Man to his environment, and adds a dignity of its 
own to the actualities of existence.''

In 1914, on the eve of World War I, H.G. Wells wrote the scenario 
which was followed by Bertrand Russell, and which led to the 
bombing of Hiroshima and Nagaski. The name of the book was, 
{The World Set Free.} As you listen to what Wells wrote, think 
about how different the world is now from what it was before 
1945. Contrast the hopes expressed by Franklin D.  Roosevelt 
with the reality dictated by Wells and Russell.

The book begins with a parody of Soddy's vision. A young scientist 
hears one of Soddy's lectures and embarks upon the project of 
developing nuclear energy. By 1956, he has succeeded, and nuclear 
power has created untold riches for some, but it has also created 
a situation in which the rich get richer while the poor are 
put out of work.  Worse yet, war begins, as nations fight each 
other over patent rights. This is to be an atomic war; all of 
the world's greatest cities are quickly destroyed--Paris, London, 
Rome, New York, Tokyo--all and more are rubble.  Former kings 
and princes, and bureacratic functionaries come together and 
declare that they are going to create a new world order under 
their rule. No longer will there be separate nations, no longer 
will people be given the franchise. Here is H.G. Wells's vision 
of the future. It was to be a self-perpetuating one-world dictatorship.

Wells writes: ``After the conflagration from the bombs, people 
were unable to live in cities any more.  English became the 
universal language--shorn of such peculiarities of grammar as 
the subjunctive mood. The metric system became universal, but 
also a strict 13-month lunar calendar, with certain additional 
days. A universal energy-based currency was used. Education 
was reformed, reinterpreting history in order to instill a new 
faith in the hearts of the young....

``Children were to be taught about Bismarck, that hero of nineteenth-century 
politics, that sequel to Napoleon, that god of blood and iron. 
He was just a beery, obstinate, dull man....

``All Europe offered its children to him; it sacrificed education, 
art, happiness, and all its hopes of future welfare to follow 
the clatter of his sabre.... Everybody in those days, wise or 
foolish, believed that the division of the world under a multitude 
of governments was inevitable, and that it was going on for 
thousands of years more. It {was} inevitable until it was impossible.''

In actual fact, the first nuclear war was fought in 1945. Out 
of it did not come H.G. Wells and Bertrand Russell's world government. 
Not according to the scenario which Wells laid out. But the 
America which Stimson and Truman feared would condemn their 
action, the America that hated the British oligarchy and all 
that they stood for, is long gone. To understand why Russell 
and Wells were so successful in undermining the foundations 
of our republic, we must look back in time, not to 1945, or 
1908, but we must look back over at least 600 years of human 
history.

Thank you.

-- 
         John Covici
          covici@ccs.covici.com

------------------------------------------------
(This file was found elsewhere on the Internet and uploaded to the
Radio Free Michigan site by the archive maintainer.

 Protection of
Individual Rights and Liberties. E-mail bj496@Cleveland.Freenet.Edu)