April 27, 2007
		The Muslim Mainstream and the New Caliphate
		By
		Andrew 
		G. Bostom
		
			
			
			
		
			Writing in 1916, C. 
			Snouck Hurgronje, the great Dutch Orientalist, underscored how the 
			jihad doctrine of world conquest, and the re-creation of a 
			supranational Islamic Caliphate remained a potent force among the 
			Muslim masses:
		
			
				
				...it would be a 
				gross mistake to imagine that the idea of universal conquest may 
				be considered as obliterated...the canonists and the vulgar 
				still live in the illusion of the days of Islam's greatness. The 
				legists continue to ground their appreciation of every actual 
				political condition on the law of the holy war, which war ought 
				never be allowed to cease entirely until all mankind is reduced 
				to the authority of Islam-the heathen by conversion, the 
				adherents of acknowledged Scripture [i.e., Jews and Christians] 
				by submission. 
		
		
		
			Hurgronje further noted 
			that although the Muslim rank and file might acknowledge the 
			improbability of that goal "at present" (circa 1916), they were,
			
		
		
			
				...comforted and 
				encouraged by the recollection of the lengthy period of 
				humiliation that the Prophet himself had to suffer before Allah 
				bestowed victory upon his arms...
		
		
		
			Thus even at the nadir 
			of Islam's political power, during the World War I era final 
			disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, Hurgronje observed how
		
		
			
				...the common people 
				are willingly taught by the canonists and feed their hope of 
				better days upon the innumerable legends of the olden time and 
				the equally innumerable apocalyptic prophecies about the future. 
				The political blows that fall upon Islam make less 
				impression...than the senseless stories about the power of the 
				Sultan of Stambul [Istanbul], that would instantly be revealed 
				if he were not surrounded by treacherous servants, and the 
				fantastic tidings of the miracles that Allah works in the Holy 
				Cities of Arabia which are inaccessible to the unfaithful. 
				The conception of the Khalifate [Caliphate] still exercises a 
				fascinating influence, regarded in the light of a central point 
				of union against the unfaithful (i.e., non-Muslims). 
				[emphasis added]
		
		
		
			Nearly a century later, 
			the preponderance of contemporary mainstream Muslims from Morocco to 
			Indonesia, apparently share with their murderous, jihad terror 
			waging co-religionists from al-Qaeda the goal (if not necessarily 
			supporting the gruesome means) of re-establishing an Islamic 
			Caliphate. Polling data just released (April 24, 2007) in a 
			rigorously conducted face-to-face 
			
			University of Maryland/ 
			WorldPublicOpinion.org 
			interview 
			
			survey 
			of 4384 Muslims conducted between December 9, 2006 and February 15, 
			2007-1000 Moroccans, 1000 Egyptians, 1243 Pakistanis, and 1141 
			Indonesians-reveal that 65.2% of those interviewed-almost 
			2/3, hardly a "fringe minority"-desired this outcome (i.e., 
			"To unify all Islamic countries into a single Islamic state or 
			Caliphate"), including 49% of "moderate" Indonesian Muslims. The 
			internal validity of these data about the present longing for a 
			Caliphate is strongly suggested by a concordant result: 65.5% of 
			this Muslim sample approved the proposition "To require a 
			strict [emphasis added] application of Shari'a law in every 
			Islamic country." 
		
		
			Notwithstanding 
			ahistorical drivel from Western Muslim "advocacy" groups such as the 
			Muslim Association of Britain, which lionizes both the Caliphate and 
			the concomitant institution of Shari'a as 
			
			promulgators of "a 
			peaceful and just society" 
			, the findings from the University of Maryland/ 
			WorldPublicOpinion.org poll are ominous.   
		
		
			The Prototypical 
			Caliphate
		
		
			Umar Ibn al-Khattab (d. 
			644), was the second "rightly guided" caliph of Islam. During his 
			reign, which lasted for a decade (634-644), Syria, Iraq and Egypt 
			were conquered. Umar was responsible for organizing the early 
			Islamic Caliphate. Alfred von Kremer, the seminal 19th 
			century German scholar of Islam, described the "central idea" of 
			Umar's regime, as being the furtherance of "...the 
			religious-military development of Islam at the expense of the 
			conquered nations." The predictable and historically verifiable 
			consequence of this guiding principle was a legacy of harsh 
			inequality, intolerance, and injustice towards non-Muslims observed 
			by von Kremer in 1868 (and still evident in Islamic societies to 
			this day):
		
		
			
				It was the basis of 
				its severe directives regarding Christians and those of other 
				faiths, that they be reduced to the status of pariahs, forbidden 
				from having anything in common with the ruling nation; it was 
				even the basis for his decision to purify the Arabian Peninsula 
				of the unbelievers, when he presented all the inhabitants of the 
				peninsula who had not yet accepted Islam with the choice: to 
				emigrate or deny the religion of their ancestors. The 
				industrious and wealthy Christians of Najran, who maintained 
				their Christian faith, emigrated as a result of this decision 
				from the peninsula, to the land of the Euphrates, and ‘Umar also 
				deported the Jews of Khaybar. In this way ‘Umar based that 
				fanatical and intolerant approach that was an essential 
				characteristic of Islam, now extant for over a thousand years, 
				until this day [i.e., written in 1868]. It was this spirit, a 
				severe and steely one, that incorporated scorn and contempt for 
				the non-Muslims, that was characteristic of ‘Umar, and instilled 
				by ‘Umar into Islam; this spirit continued for many centuries, 
				to be Islam's driving force and vital principle.
		
		
		
			During the jihad 
			campaigns of Umar's Caliphate, in accord with nascent Islamic Law, 
			neither cities nor monasteries were spared if they resisted. Thus, 
			when the Greek garrison of Gaza refused to submit and convert to 
			Islam, all were put to death. In the year 640, sixty Greek soldiers 
			who refused to apostatize became martyrs, while in the same year 
			(i.e., 638) that Caesarea, Tripolis and Tyre fell to the Muslims, 
			hundreds of thousands of Christians converted to Islam, 
			predominantly out of fear.
		
		
			Muslim and non-Muslim 
			sources record that Umar's soldiers were allowed to break crosses on 
			the heads of Christians during processions and religious litanies, 
			and were permitted, if not encouraged, to tear down newly erected 
			churches and to punish Christians for trivial reasons. Moreover, 
			Umar forbade the employment of Christians in public offices.  
		
		
			The false claims of 
			Islamic toleration during this prototype "rightly guided" Caliphate 
			cannot be substantiated even by relying on the (apocryphal?) "pact" 
			of Umar (Ibn al-Khattab) because this putative decree compelled the 
			Christians (and other non-Muslims) to fulfill self-destructive 
			obligations, including: the prohibition on erecting any new 
			churches, monasteries, or hermitages;  and not being allowed to 
			repair any ecclesiastical institutions that fell into ruin, nor to 
			rebuild those that were situated in the Muslim quarters of a town. 
			Muslim traditionists and early historians (such as al-Baladhuri) 
			further maintain that Umar expelled the Jews of the Khaybar oasis, 
			and similarly deported Christians (from Najran) who refused to 
			apostasize and embrace Islam, fulfilling the death bed admonition of 
			Muhammad who purportedly stated: "there shall not remain two 
			religions in the land of Arabia." 
		
		
			Umar imposed limitations 
			upon the non-Muslims aimed at their ultimate destruction by 
			attrition, and he introduced fanatical elements into Islamic culture 
			that became characteristic of the Caliphates which succeeded his. 
			 For example, according to the chronicle of the Muslim historian Ibn 
			al-Atham (d. 926-27), under the brief Caliphate of Ali b. Abi Talib 
			(656-61), when one group of apostates in Yemen (Sanaa) adopted 
			Judaism after becoming Muslims, "He [Ali] killed them and burned 
			them with fire after the killing." Indeed, the complete absence of 
			freedom of conscience in these early Islamic Caliphates-while 
			entirely consistent with mid-7th century mores-has 
			remained a constant, ignominious legacy throughout Islamic history, 
			to this day. 
		
		
			Unto the Ages
		
		
			During the long twilight 
			of the last formal Caliphate under the Ottoman Turks, Sir Henry 
			Layard, the British archeologist, writer, and diplomat (including 
			postings in Turkey), described this abhorrent spectacle which he 
			witnessed in the heart of Istanbul, in the autumn of 1843, four 
			years after the first failed iteration of the so-called Tanzimat 
			reforms designed to abrogate the sacralized discrimination of the 
			Shari'a:
		
		
			
				An Armenian who had 
				embraced Islamism [i.e., common 19th century usage for Islam] 
				had returned to his former faith. For his apostasy he was 
				condemned to death according to the Mohammedan law. His 
				execution took place, accompanied by details of studied insult 
				and indignity directed against Christianity and Europeans in 
				general. The corpse was exposed in one of the most public and 
				frequented places in Stamboul [Istanbul], and the head, which 
				had been severed from the body, was placed upon it, covered by a 
				European hat. 
		
		
		
			Salient examples from 
			within the past 25 years confirm the persistent absence of freedom 
			of conscience in contemporary Islamic societies, in tragic 
			conformity with a prevailing, unchanged mindset of the earliest 
			Caliphates: the 1985 state-sponsored execution of Sudanese religious 
			reformer Mahmoud Muhammad Taha for his alleged "apostasy";  the 
			infamous 1989 "Salman Rushdie Affair", which resulted in the 
			issuance of a fatwa by Ayatollah Khomeini condemning Rushdie to 
			death; the July 1994 vigilante murder of secular Egyptian writer 
			Farag Foda-supported by the prominent Egyptian cleric, Sheikh 
			Muhammad al-Ghazali, an official of Al Azhar University, who 
			testified on behalf of the murderer, "A secularist represents a 
			danger to society and the nation that must be eliminated. It is the 
			duty of the government to kill him."; and the recent (March, 2006) 
			tragic experience of 
			
			Abdul Rahman, 
			an unassuming Afghan Muslim convert to Christianity, forced to flee 
			his native country to escape the murderous wrath of Muslim clerics 
			and the masses they incited in "liberated", post-Taliban 
			Afghanistan.  
		
		
			An even more alarming 
			and utterly intolerable phenomenon was on display just this week in 
			the United States when a Johnstown (western Pennsylvania) area imam
			
			
			Fouad El Bayly 
			openly sanctioned the punishment by death of former Dutch 
			Parliamentarian Ayaan Hirsi Ali-born and raised a Muslim in 
			Somalia-for her open avowal of secularism. 
		
		
			Individualism 
			and Freedom of Conscience
		 
		
			
			Ibn Warraq 
			has observed aptly that the most fundamental conception of a 
			Caliphate, "...the constant injunction to obey the Caliph-who is 
			God's Shadow on Earth", is completely incompatible with the creation 
			of a "rights-based individualist philosophy." Warraq illustrates the 
			supreme hostility to individual rights in the Islamic Caliphate, and 
			Islam itself, through the writings of the iconic Muslim philosopher, 
			jurist, and historian, Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406), and a contemporary 
			Muslim thinker, A.K. Brohi, former Pakistani Minister of Law and 
			Religious Affairs:
			
		 
		
			
				[Ibn Khaldun] All 
				religious laws and practices and everything that the masses are 
				expected to do requires group feeling. Only with the help of 
				group feeling can a claim be successfully pressed,...Group 
				feeling is necessary to the Muslim community. Its existence 
				enables (the community) to fulfill what God expects of it.
			
			
				[A.K. Brohi] Human 
				duties and rights have been vigorously defined and their orderly 
				enforcement is the duty of the whole of organized communities 
				and the task is specifically entrusted to the law enforcement 
				organs of the state. The individual if necessary has to be 
				sacrificed in order that that the life of the organism be saved. 
				Collectivity has a special sanctity attached to it in Islam.
				
		
		
		
			In contrast, Warraq 
			notes, "Liberal democracy extends the sphere of individual freedom 
			and attaches all possible value to each man or woman." And he 
			concludes, 
		
		
			
				Individualism is not 
				a recognizable feature of Islam; instead the collective will of 
				the Muslim people is constantly emphasized. There is certainly 
				no notion of individual rights, which developed in the West, 
				especially during the eighteenth century. 
		
		
		
			Almost six decades ago 
			(in 1950), G.H. Bousquet, a pre-eminent modern scholar of Islamic 
			Law, put forth this unapologetic, pellucid formulation of the 
			twofold totalitarian impulse in Islam:
			
		
		
			
				Islam first came 
				before the world as a doubly totalitarian system. It claimed to 
				impose itself on the whole world and it claimed also, by the 
				divinely appointed Muhammadan law, by the principles of the 
				fiqh, to regulate down to the smallest details the whole 
				life of the Islamic community and of every individual 
				believer....the study of Muhammadan law (dry and forbidding 
				though it may appear to those who confine themselves to the 
				indispensable study of the fiqh) is of great importance 
				to the world today.
		
		
		
			The openly expressed 
			desire for the restoration of a Caliphate from two-thirds of an 
			important Muslim sample of Arab and non-Arab Islamic nations, 
			representative of Muslims worldwide, should serve as a chilling 
			wake-up call to those still in denial about the existential threat 
			posed by the living, uniquely Islamic 
			
			institution of jihad.
			 
		
		
			Andrew G. 
			Bostom is the author of 
			
			The Legacy of Jihad 
			(2005), and the forthcoming The Legacy of Islamic Antisemitism 
			(2007), which can be previewed 
			
			here.